Canadian Labour Congress Convention:
Labour Brass Ducks Crisis
by Barry Weisleder
Apart from the substantial vote for Carol Wall, the
anti-establishment candidate for President, there were few surprises at the 24th
Constitutional Convention of the Canadian Labour Congress held in Montreal,
Quebec, June 13-17, 2005. The handlers of the triennial gathering, which
attracted over 2000 delegates from dozens of affiliated unions, effectively
dodged meaningful discussion of the main ills plaguing the labour movement and
the working class. The CLC leadership proved to be about as frank and
introspective as a used car salesman with a lot full of lemons facing a short
eviction notice.
While Canada’s largest labour central has grown to nearly
3.2 million members, that is due to the affiliation of formerly independent
health and education workers’ organizations. Meanwhile, the overall rate of
unionization of the work force has declined from 40 per cent in the mid-1980s to
30.4 per cent (18 per cent in the private sector) today. Nearly a quarter of
the work force is in typically non-union, low-paying, part-time or temporary
jobs.
Concessions is the norm
Today concessions bargaining is the norm in the face of
employer aggressiveness. In the de-regulated private sector (where, for
example, the World Trade Organization (WTO) swept aside the U.S.-Canada Auto
Pact rules that tied market access to investment levels), major industrial
unions like the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) now lobby government to subsidize
the auto giants in order to attract investment. This perspective undermines
workers’ independence from management, and weakens arguments against speed-up
and wage/benefit concessions demanded in the interest of ‘global
competitiveness’.
Likewise, in telecommunications, in steel, in food and
retail, similar pressures are bearing down on workers to agree to forced
overtime, reduced pensions and a two-tier wage structure. While Steelworkers’
Local 1005 at Stelco (Hamilton, Ontario) continues to resist a company pension
default, the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) agreed to major
concessions to Canadian food retailer Loblaws. During Air Canada’s recent
bankruptcy crisis, instead of demanding re-nationalization of the flagship
carrier and re-regulation of the industry, the CAW and the Canadian Union of
Public Employees (CUPE) gave major wage and work rule concessions, though they
did manage to hang onto pensions.
In the public sector, brutal efforts to eliminate the
deficit (a deficit created by decades of corporate tax cuts) took a heavy toll
on the Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC) and on provincial and municipal
public service union members. As jobs shrink, so does bargaining power, causing
wages to lag behind other sectors. Relatively successful union resistence to
full privatization has increasingly prompted provincial governments to opt for
Public-Private Partnerships (P3s) where control and management of a hospital or
public utility goes to the private sector.
While union rhetoric opposing cutbacks, concessions and
privatization has been strong, union actions have been fragmented, sporadic, and
when initiated from the bottom up, curtailed.
Fight back sabotaged
An example of the latter is the struggle of low-paid,
mostly female hospital workers in the west coast province of British Columbia
who struck the right wing Liberal government of Gordon Campbell in April 2004
over major wage cuts and outsourcing of jobs. The workers’ initiative attracted
widespread support. A province-wide sympathy strike appeared imminent. But
spreading job actions were shut down by the leadership of the Hospital
Employees’ Union, a division of CUPE, under tremendous pressure from the BC
Federation of Labour tops.
This defeat for Labour, and victory for the neo-liberal
agenda, has its analogy in Ontario where three years of sequential one-day
general strikes (1995-98) in a dozen cities against the Mike Harris provincial
Conservative regime were unceremoniously ended. The squandered momentum and the
resulting demoralization facilitated the re-election of Harris and company.
Lack of adequate leadership from above, and the sell out
of struggles launched from below, is compounded by a growing trend towards
bureaucratic authoritarianism.
HEU members were denied a vote on the deal that ended
their promising fight back. No vote of UFCW members affected by concessions at
Loblaws was conducted. Ontario workers were not consulted over the termination
of the Days of Action. Immigrant and visible minority hotel workers in downtown
Toronto who complain of management racist harassment and unsafe working
conditions are often ignored by their union, UNITE-HERE. And some local unions
that persist in standing up for members’ rights are subject to punitive purges
and dictatorship from on high. This happened to Toronto substitute teachers
within the Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation, where the members’
attempt to restore job security and local autonomy continues.
Labour’s retreat -- manifested most sharply in terms of
concessions bargaining, the curtailment of union democracy and solidarity, and
the shrinkage of union density – has resulted in stagnant wages, a declining
standard of living, increased job insecurity, and growing union paralysis.
The CLC Convention was an exercise in avoidance of these
topics. It was a spectacle of rhetorical posturing, self-congratulation and
damage control.
Papering over the contradictions
CLC President Ken Georgetti in 2004 committed the faux
pas of speaking his mind when he said that unions should stop opposing the
so-called free trade agreements because they are ‘here to stay’. CAW President
Buzz Hargrove, among others, attacked the statement (though not the inaction
that preceded it), so Georgetti quickly reversed himself.
The CLC tried to paper-over the contradiction by issuing
a forest of declarations and resolutions affirming the need to oppose North
American economic integration, attacks on civil liberties, threats to the public
health care system, P3s, and so on. One approved resolution makes the
transparently weak commitment to “Work for the ultimate abolition of neo-liberal
free trade agreements (including NAFTA and the WTO)...” And that’s as good as
it gets.
Equally revealing is the CLC document “A Labour Agenda
for Industrial and Economic Development”. Its dedication to a ‘mixed economy’
in which the private sector is not only dominant, but said to be deserving of
public subsidies, infrastructure upgrades and other supports, shows an abject
loyalty to the very economic framework that seeks to transfer even more wealth
from workers and the poor to the corporate elite.
Conspicuous by its absence is any concrete commitment to
action to reverse Labour’s losses, much less a timetable to do it. Even the
“Action Plan” adopted on the fifth and last day of the Convention contained no
specific action proposal. It is full of saw dust phrases like “take all
necessary steps”, “work with labour councils to encourage”, “lobby and fight
for” and “build support for”. One sentence really takes the cake. After more
than a year of discussions and presentations at local labour councils, and a day
of coordinated cross-country storefront information pickets, the CLC says it
should “Develop a strategy to assist in organizing Wal-Mart.” Did we really
need a multi-million dollar CLC Convention to ratify that thought?
Election: outlet for frustration
Delegates’ frustration with a Labour Congress out of
sync with reality was apparent in the election for CLC President. Two term
president Ken Georgetti, touted as an effective back room lobbyist and a long
time proponent of labour-management investment funds, was challenged by Carol
Wall, a PSAC negotiator and the first Black feminist to run for the job.
Wall’s platform called for new vision, energy, passion,
inclusiveness and accountability – commendable attributes, if programmatically
vague. Her most critical point was that “the current campaign to organize
Wal-Mart should not fall to UFCW alone....the CLC must go further than one-day
rallies.” But her grassroots charm, and her gutsy challenge to the “old boys’
club” that runs the CLC was enough to attract wide support. (Some delegates
were repelled by the high pressure tactics of the top brass to marshal support
for the official slate. Wall was even prevented from addressing the CAW
delegates’ caucus at the CLC).
On a shoe-string budget, with the backing of the Canadian
Union of Postal Workers and an array of local union activists, Carol Wall
received a remarkable 37 per cent of the valid ballots cast on the morning of
June 16. It is interesting to note that 1740 votes were cast. Thirteen were
spoiled. Curiously, another 300 registered delegates did not show up for the
vote. Would voter participation and the election result have been different had
there been less bureaucratic bullying, and had more delegates voted as they
wished, rather than as they were told?
The remainder of the establishment slate was acclaimed.
So, for a second three-term it will be the same crew of former radicals: Hassan
Yussuff (CAW) as CLC Secretary-Treasurer, Barb Byers (Saskatchewan Government
Employees’ Union) as Executive Vice-President, and Marie Clarke Walker (CUPE) as
Executive V.P. As Carol Wall acidly observed, “Many activists come to the
labour movement to do good, and some just end up doing well.”
Benign Tolerance
With its control of the operation never in doubt, the CLC
bureaucracy could afford to experiment with a little flexibility. Convention
chairpersons showed uncharacteristic tolerance and accommodation in responding
to delegates’ suggestions and criticisms. Sometimes resolutions were amended on
the spot, by a mere nod from the reporting committee, rather than requiring the
normal complicated and time consuming referrals. This the brass could easily do
because few of the criticisms from the floor were anything other than technical
or picayune.
A kind of CLC glasnost was evident in the composite
resolutions, which tended to be all-encompassing and somewhat radical in tone.
Again, it was not a problem for the leadership because of the paucity of time
for floor debate, and the absence of any concrete action plan or timetable for
implementing anything adopted.
This was also the pattern in the realm of CLC
international affairs policy, where some interesting new positions surfaced.
(See accompanying box.)
Layton is in the house
Only about two hours per day was allocated for debate.
This amounted to less than10 hours out of more than 27 hours of convention
time. But there was plenty of time for awards, tributes, videos, reports from
CLC officials, and of course, guest speakers.
One of these was Jack Layton, federal Leader of the New
Democratic Party, to which many of the unions present are affiliated. Layton
made an able defence of his amendment to the federal Liberal minority government
budget which incorporated $4.6 Billion in increased social spending. Wisely, he
checked his ‘national unity’ demagogy at the door of the Montreal Palais.
Duceppe rocks the Canucks
Another guest speaker was Gilles Duceppe, Leader of the
Bloc Quebecois -- the first non-NDP federal politician to address a CLC
convention in a long time, if ever. Duceppe should be credited for pulling no
punches in his promotion of Quebec sovereignty, which he deftly linked to the
Bloc’s pro-worker policies. Indeed, his message had a higher quotient of class
content than Layton’s. Duceppe stated that constitutional squabbles will end
only when there are two separate countries, Quebec and Canada, which could then
unite in common combat against the global corporate agenda.
Duceppe, a Maoist and union organizer long before he
became leader of the capitalist BQ, didn’t have to dig very deep to declare
“Let’s use globalization to set a new agenda, instead of leaving the capitalists
in control.” His call for Employment Insurance reform, for defence of pensions
and for federal anti-scab legislation had the Quebec delegates on their feet,
and most of the English Canadians clapping along – except for a cranky bunch,
less than fifty in number, who stood outside the hall and sang an off key
version of O Canada.
Sweeney’s war
John Sweeney, President of the American Federation of
Labour/Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL/CIO) came to display his brave
face. On the eve of a catastrophic split in his 15 million member organization
(which represents less than 12% of the U.S. work force, and only about 8% of
private sector employees), Sweeney bellowed that he is “none the worse for
wear”. He predicted that the AFL/CIO would survive, come what may.
While he spoke of his internal war, he said not a word
about the US war and occupation against Iraq, nor of the many other targets of
Pentagon terrorism worldwide. He said “working families are under attack as
never before”, and that a dispute about whether to spend half the central dues
money on organizing, rather than on ‘political action’, is no basis for a split
by the unions encompassing over 35% of the AFL/CIO.
Because both factions of that intra-bureaucratic war want
to continue to fund and support, to a greater or lesser degree, one of the twin
parties of imperialist rule, the U.S. Democratic Party, and continue to support
protectionism and big business dictatorship, Sweeney is right. The imminent
breach is politically unjustified. The question is, did Sweeney see the future
of American Labour in the faded achievements of the more politically
labour-independent CLC? Or did CLC delegates get a glimpse of their wretched
future represented in the complacent pro-capitalist mantras of the chief US
labour faker John Sweeney?
Another keynote speaker, Maude Barlow of the nationalist
Council of Canadians, warned delegates to fear North American integration
because the religious right is about to seize control of the U.S. Congress.
Stephen Lewis, a former Ontario NDP leader and currently special United Nations’
envoy to Africa, made an impassioned appeal for debt cancellation, fair trade
and more foreign aid. But to the extent that no guest speaker at the Convention
put the blame squarely on capitalism for global poverty, disease and injustice,
the over-riding message was one of charity, rather than empowerment of the
working class, to create a better world.
What’s Left at the CLC?
A major reason the union brass had such a smooth ride at
the CLC Convention was the quiescence and submissiveness of much of the
traditional Left.
The 25 year old Action Caucus, sponsored by the CUPW and
encompassing supporters of the Communist Party and the International Socialists,
turned itself into a leafleting committee for the Carol Wall campaign. It
initiated no attempts on the convention floor to inject clear anti-capitalist
analysis into debates, neither to put teeth into resolutions nor into the CLC’s
so-called Action Plan. A number of Action Caucus leaders seemed satisfied going
to the Pro microphones to congratulate CLC resolution writers. Some even
strutted their stuff in a “Union Label Fashion Show”.
A different approach, with only modest success, was
exemplified by the Ontario-based Workers’ Solidarity and Union Democracy
Coalition, which operated as a Caucus at the CLC Convention. Workers’
Solidarity held two evening forums, daily lunch-time meetings, and engaged in
massive info distributions. Its ongoing aim is to unite labour and social
movement militants to resist labour concessions and social cutbacks, support
struggles for union democracy, turn the unions into fighting organizations,
advance the interests of working people, and oppose corporate profit and power.
Over 80 delegates and observers attended a Workers’
Solidarity forum, “Resisting War, Occupation and Imperialism” on June 14 (see
box on International Solidarity at CLC). A WS forum on the evening of June 13,
“Stop Concessions, Restore Union Democracy”, attracted 38 participants. It
featured Bruce Allen, vice-president of CAW Local 199 and St. Catharines labour
council executive member; Gretchen Dulmage, delegate from the Hospital
Employees’ Union, CUPE 6010, and a spokesperson for the B.C. Fight Back
Solidarity Caucus; Gordon Lefebvre, a long time union activist and executive
member of the Union des Forces Progressistes in Quebec; plus a brief appearance
by Carol Wall. This writer spoke on behalf of the Toronto Substitute Teachers’
Action Caucus in OSSTF, and outlined the origins of the Workers’ Solidarity
coalition. Discussions at both forums were lively and informative, but had only
a faint echo on the convention floor.
However, unlike the official CLC-sponsored evening forums
on Human Rights, Women, Youth and International Affairs, the Workers’ Solidarity
events created a space for critical analysis of global capitalism and the state
of the Labour movement, and projected a fighting perspective for action on
concrete issues. A gratifying aspect of the meetings was the convergence of new
forces, including anti-poverty activists from south-eastern Ontario, over a
dozen members of the Venezuelan community of Montreal, and union militants from
as far as BC and Atlantic Canada. Those interested in more information or to
join Workers’ Solidarity should contact: barryaw@look.ca
SA gets around
Another positive sign of the interest in radical ideas
at the Convention is the fact that delegates and observers purchased over 175
copies of Socialist Action newspaper. A number of SA booklets and one
subscription to the paper were sold too.
Most delegates gladly accepted literature in abundance
from Workers’ Solidarity, from Haiti and Venezuela solidarity campaigners, and
from different leftist groups, in an atmosphere that was generally marked by
openness and courtesy.
What’s next?
When Quebec university and college students completed
their successful struggle against the Charest provincial government last Spring,
they said they were passing the torch to Quebec public sector workers. So far,
Quebec child care workers have taken the challenge and are engaging the
authorities in a tough battle for decent wages and benefits.
In Ontario, Hydro One employees, members of the Society
of Energy Professionals, have been on strike since June 1, fighting management’s
demands for a two-tier wage and benefit schedule which would discriminate
against its younger members.
Exemplary struggles such as these need to be generalized
in accordance with a strategy that works for working people. It is a clear mark
of the gross failure of the CLC and its major affiliates to address the need
for, much less to implement, such a strategy.
And it is a daunting challenge to formations like
Workers’ Solidarity, now linked to the BC Fight Back Caucus, to stir the ranks
of labour to demand an alternative to the concessions bargaining and
undemocratic unionism that still prevails. But try we must.
To prepare for the Ontario Federation of Labour
Convention 2005, slated for November 21-25 at Toronto’s Sheraton Centre, union
and community activists will meet in the weeks ahead, while continuing the
necessary ongoing work of grass roots organizing, educating and agitating.
Advances for
International Solidarity at the CLC
Despite generally lacklustre proceedings which avoided
dealing with critical internal and external issues, the CLC nonetheless took a
number of important steps forward in the realm of international affairs.
The policies adopted by the delegates, and the separate
statements issued by the CLC, reflect the pressure exerted by world events and
by local solidarity movements. The new CLC positions create opportunities for
activists to educate and to involve union members in social justice struggles
around the world.
Support for global working class solidarity was also
shown by the participation of CLC delegates and observers in a Montreal street
protest against Canadian government intervention in Haiti, and in an evening
public forum on international issues organized by the southern Ontario-based
Workers’ Solidarity and Union Democracy Coalition at the Montreal Palais des
Congres.
Nix Plan Colombia
In a document titled “Unions Make a Difference Around the
World” Committee Report, CLC officials presented a compilation of resolutions on
international issues. A substitute resolution on Colombia, covering eight other
resolutions submitted by different unions, was debated and adopted by vote. It
states that the CLC will “call upon the federal government to oppose the US
sponsored “Plan Colombia”; work with its affiliates to strengthen our solidarity
work with the Colombian trade union movement by coordinating activities such as
exchanges and trade union delegations in order to maintain up-dated information
regarding anti-union violence and attempts to annihilate the Colombian trade
union movement; work closely with affiliates, the Global Union Federations, the
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), the International
Labour Organization (ILO) and Amnesty International to try to bring a halt to
assassinations and the systemic intimidation of trade unionists in Colombia;
demand that the Canadian government require Canadian investors in Colombia to
respect all international standards on human and labour rights and environmental
protection, as well as the rights of indigenous people to protect their
communities and maintain their traditions; demand the Canadian government
commits resources to Colombian civil society to assist in building a lasting
peace and in strengthening social, economic and cultural rights for the
Colombian people; support the One Democratic Coalition in Colombia to defend
human rights and democratic freedoms, negotiation of a peace accord and the
struggle against privatization and Free Trade; and coordinate a day of action in
Canada against specific targets such as Colombian consulates and the Embassy in
Canada and Canadian companies operating in zones of conflict in Colombia.
Bolivia in revolt
In addition to demanding increased government funding for
treatment of HIV/AIDS in Africa, and stating vigorous opposition to “any
Canadian involvement in the (US-based) Ballistic Missile Defence System”, the
CLC issued policy positions on Bolivia, and on the case of anti-Cuba terrorist
Posada Carriles.
The CLC Executive Council statement on Bolivia indicates
that “Recent events in Bolivia have led to several government changes due to
their extreme commitment to the western corporate agenda. Working women and men
in Bolivia have played a leading role in the successful revolts which are
shifting power from an elite to an indigenous majority of the population. The
popular movements of Bolivia are demanding that interim president Eduardo
Rodriguez immediately nationalize key natural resources and call for immediate
parliamentary and presidential elections.
In view of the above developments, the Canadian Labour
Congress will issue an immediate statement in support of the workers and the
people of Bolivia, will support linkages with Bolivian labour organizations and
incorporate the Bolivian experiences into the struggle against neoliberalism,
including opposition to trade agreements and privatization.”
Extradite Posada Carriles
On June 16, CLC President Ken Georgetti issued an open
letter to Pierre Pettigrew, Canada’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, which reads in
part:
“It is universally acknowledged that Posada Carriles has,
over many years masterminded a series of terrorist acts, including the bombing
of a civilian airliner, causing the death of all 73 passengers, and many other
innocent people.
“...Posada Carriles escaped from Venezuela while awaiting
trial on charges of masterminding the airliner bombing, and the Venezuelan
government has demanded his extradition.
“...the delegates gathered here today, therefore, urge
you to:
- publicly denounce the US administration for providing protection to Posada
Carriles;
- call on the US to immediately take the necessary steps to extradite Posada
Carriles as requested by the government of Venezuela; and
- use every diplomatic means possible to bring international pressure on the US
administration to comply with the above.”
Venezuela, we are with You
Very positive resolutions on Venezuela, Cuba and Haiti,
while not debated and voted upon at the Convention due to insufficient time
allocated, nonetheless were presented in the Committee Report on international
affairs with a recommendation of “concurrence”. That means CLC officials have
agreed on their contents, and the resolutions will go to CLC Executive Council
in the Fall where they will most likely be adopted.
The recommended policy on Venezuela is as follows:
“The Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) will:
- continue to monitor events in Venezuela in collaboration with other
progressive labour movements in the Americas paying special attention to
attempts to destabilize the country by the United States;
- give its full support to the Venezuelan progressive trade unions and social
movements concerned about strengthening democratic governance and the full
respect of internationally recognized trade union rights and freedoms; and
- continue to facilitate exchanges between Venezuela unions and Canadian unions
and activists.”
During the CLC Convention supporters of the ‘Venezuela,
We are with You’ Coalitions, from Montreal and Toronto, worked together to
distribute over a thousand pieces of literature, in English and French. They
sold solidarity buttons and DVDs, and collected dozens of signatures of
unionists from across the country on a petition, which states:
“We, the undersigned, demand an end to all economic,
political, and military intervention by the United States and its allies against
the people and government of Venezuela. We call on the government of Canada to
oppose US and allied foreign intervention which undermines Venezuela’s
sovereignty. We demand that Canada facilitate increased solidarity, improve
bilateral relations, and positively recognize the efforts of the Venezuelan
people for their self-determination. We support the efforts of the government
led by Hugo Chavez to expand democracy and public services, to improve access to
health care, education and land for poor farmers, and to raise general
employment, living standards and income levels for the majority of Venezuelans.”
Free the Cuba 5
The recommended resolution on Cuba states that “The
Canadian Labour Congres (CLC) will:
- express its solidarity with Cuban workers, encourage worker-to-worker
exchanges, demand an end to the US embargo, and demand an end to US efforts to
destabilize and sabotage Cuba’s socialist gains and national sovereignty;
- continue to cooperate with the Cuban trade union movement and encourage
affiliates to do likewise; and
- condemn the imprisonment of Cubans Rene Gonzalez, Ramon Labanino, Gerardo
Hernandez, Fernando Gonzalez, and Antonio Guerrero in Florida and call for their
immediate release from prison.
(Actually, the five Cuban anti-terrorist political
prisoners are separately imprisoned in jails across the United States, making it
extremely difficult for them to receive family visits or to communicate with one
another.)
Haiti solidarity
The resolution on Haiti, also recommended for adoption,
reads in part:
“The Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) will call upon the Canadian government to:
- strongly support the Caribbean Community (CARICOM)’s call for an investigation
into President Aristide’s removal;
- do everything in its power to support the restoration of democracy and
constitutional rule in Haiti;
- cease support for and participation in the so-called “stabilization force”
currently deployed;
- condemn the indifference of Haitian authorities in the face of mounting human
rights violations;
- call for the release of all political prisoners in Haitian jails;
- oppose the re-establishment of the Haitian army;
- review the role of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) to ensure that it
is appropriate for a society based on the rule of law and democratic principles
and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) so that assistance
provided to Haiti be used for humanitarian purposes; and
- call for a review by the Parliamentary Sub-Committee on Human Rights and
International Development to examine the human rights situation in Haiti.”
The above-mentioned street protest against the role of
the Canadian state in Haiti took place on June 16. Over one hundred CLC
delegates and observers gathered outside the Palais des Congres at noon. They
were addressed by Carol Wall, the anti-establishment candidate for CLC President
who drew 37% of the votes just moments earlier, then they walked to the site of
the inter-governmental ‘conference of shame’ at the Queen Elizabeth Hotel,
chanting “Haiti for the Haitians; Canada, US out now!”. A well equipped sound
truck led the parade and blasted popular Haitian songs of dance and rebellion,
along with chants and short speeches, en route and then across the street from
the hotel entrance for over an hour.
On Friday afternoon about 40 members of the Montreal
Haitian community returned, along with a handful of unionists, to protest the
conference where Canada and its allies in the United Nations’ sanctioned police
and military occupation forces are acting as a prop for a repressive regime that
fires on protesters and fills its jails with political prisoners.
Late on Friday afternoon, during a news conference inside
the hotel, Haiti solidarity activist Yves Engler doused the hands of Foreign
Affairs Minister Pierre Pettigrew with red paint, to symbolize the blood on the
Canadian government’s hands for backing the coup that removed the democratically
elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and unleashed the killings which have
largely targeted his Lavallas movement.
After Engler was arrested, and Pettigrew had cleaned his
hands and suit, the politicians, including Haiti’s puppet Internal Affairs
Minister Herard Abraham, announced $30 million in Canadian aid supposedly to
help prepare Haiti for elections in October. In answer to questions, Pettigrew
called news wire reports of repression and shootings of demonstrators in Haiti
as unsubstantiated and “propaganda”.
Although charges of assault with a dangerous weapon and
assault police were dropped, Engler, who was released the next day, still faces
a breach of the peace charge. Widespread coverage of the incident, supplemented
by letters to editors, has raised public awareness of Canada’s role in Haiti and
of dissenting views on it.
International concerns converge at Workers’
Solidarity forum
Yves Engler was one of five speakers who addressed a
public forum titled “Resisting War, Occupation and Imperialism” on June 14, at
the site of the CLC Convention, under the auspices of the Workers’ Solidarity
and Union Democracy Coalition.
Over eighty delegates and community activists gathered to
hear Meissoon Azzaria, an Iraq solidarity activist, Freda Guttman, a member of
Jews Against the Occupation (of Palestine), Mike DesRoches of Block the Empire,
along with spokespersons from the Free the Cuban 5 Committee and the
Montreal-based Coalition-Venezuela, We are with You.
More than forty participants from across the country
signed up to join Workers’ Solidarity; several took petitions and literature
about Palestine, Venezuela, the Cuba 5, Haiti and other campaigns to circulate
in their own areas.